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February 28, 2007

are roots really just a metaphor?

good readings this week -- i have a particular interest in transnationalism and am currently buried neck deep in interview data that I collected over the summer from some Thai people who are living out their retirements transnationally. it is a lot to digest, so i may not be at my sharpest right now, since i'm still trying to make sense of things.

Though i liked some things in the Malkki article, I was consistently bothered by her characterization of the expression of national/ethnic identity in terms of roots and soil as a *metaphor*. This is not just some random metaphor that everyone has cooked up because it sounds pretty, and to put it bluntly only someone who gets their food off of supermarket shelves would see it as such. The thing that comes up again and again in my data is the importance of food, of the trees that it grows on, and the soil and water that it comes from. How people living across the world pine for the fruit that they grew up eating. How sharing food with people is sharing a connection as important as blood. To the people that I talked with, to have grown up in Thailand, especially the rural portions, is to understand viscerally and as a background to all your practices that the substance of your body comes from that soil. (And they express a desire to return to it when they die.) With the growing and sharing of food, the substance of your body, connection to land and connection to other people can become awfully difficult to separate.

Nationality in this case is a sensual experience.

homelessness

i've always felt detached from the question of nationalism due a saturation of the behavior it engenders in the core of quebec, where i am originally from. the divide between the notions of political nation bounded by its territorial definition and cultural nation, in the case of quebec, primarily based on language is an interesting example in complexity. not only because of quebec being a territorial nation within a larger one, but because of the wide cultural differences within its own borders.

aside from the frenchies, at the beginning and end of her paper, Malkki writes: 'Thus, what Said, for example, calls a "generalized condition of homelessness" is seen to characterize contemporary life everywhere.' without having taken a look at Said's paper (yet), we can criticize this statement considering the technological evolution of the last 15 years. the situations of individuals away from home are obviously due to a wide range of reasons, reasons which remains today. can we say now that with our increased mobility and the reach of the local product to a global market, really, we are never away from home? that is if you had a home in the first place.

how territorial is home when the the core of your friends and families all migrate? if most migrate to the same place, would you call it home? i believe i would.

Two more dimensions

The interrelationship between culture, national identity and place fascinates me and is something I struggle with personally.

I think another possible dimension to add to our readings are "ethnic enclaves." Places like Chinatown, Little Italy, Little Tokyo, Little India etc are fascinating because they are physical representations of culture and national identity. In a sense they are a way in which people can bring cultural elements like food items, clothing to them wherever they live. Further ethnic enclaves create a psychological tie to the “motherland.”

Something I find interesting about ethnic enclaves is the way in which they can seem to stand still in time. A few months ago I passed through Solvang and discovered it was a Scandinavian enclave. I was thrilled because I thought I could get some Swedish food and Christmas decorations that I have been unable to find in California. When I arrived it happened to be “Danish Days.” I was a little stunned because people were dressed like Vikings and wearing very old traditional clothing. I was like is this really what they think Scandinavian culture is? But then it struck me that the people who settled there probably came in the 1800s. They have preserved and were celebrating the culture from that time. At first I thought they should all just go to Copenhagen, but then realized that because culture evolves over time and cultural preservation can represent multiple points in time. Ethnic enclaves can an interesting representation of this idea.

Another issue that I would like to address is that of choice. I don’t think Malkki makes a good case for the different types of “uprootedness” or “displacement.” In my mind it is really important to make the distinction about whether or not one makes a choice to "leave" and if they do make a choice under what circumstances is this done. There is displacement due to war, and there is displacement due to natural disater. Further there is uprootedness due to opportunity (like moving to the United States for education) and there is uprootedness due to the need to escape poverty. Of course there art many example, but my point is that I think the nature of the movement is an important dimension in terms of negotiating "rootedness."

I also look forward to hearing more about Sylvia and Marisa’s ideas regarding the role of technology in all this!

Local and global belonging

I recently read Kallinikos’ critical stance on how ethnographic and social constructivist approaches of social science studies on technology take on user-centric and context-centric approaches, referring to the researcher’s bias and the influence of personal orientation on studied material. In his argument for macro-sociological and multi-sited ethnography I found the incorporation of the relevance of the local and its influence on global processes missing. Bestor for example reminds us that people experience global processes in particular locations, from which they derive their understanding and definition of the (global-yet-seemingly-local) processes themselves. Interactions with the global are outcomes of negotiations within the local. Both local and global activities are mutually defined processes that structure identities, associations with a specific locality are made available globally through commercially produced images of the “outside” world. Gupt on the other hand argues that in order to understand global and trans-national configurations we must understand how feelings of belonging to an imagined community bind identity to spatial locations. Instead of forming nations, border transgressing information technology, informs a process of belonging to a locality by its interrelation to the global. In this sense, it appears less crucial to investigate upon the term trans-national but rather to talk about interplay of global-local belonging and how information technology might reinforce or eliminate spatially or culturally perceived borders. While technology in everyday use in the home, in the office, in the grocery store, etc. has often been associated with only another tool for convenience and efficiency, it has been tactically applied for local, emotionally rich and culturally diverse situations, however transgressing spatial and temporal borders and simultaneously creating feelings of remote presence and connectedness, while re-defining belonging.
Which technological characteristics reinforce connectedness to a local, which ones to a global, and which ones to both? How are different technological implementation layers, such as hardware, visible and invisible infrastructure, software, or user interfaces applied for local idiosyncratic goals and how are these extended across imagined borders? The virtual space dependent on various physical implementation layers on the one hand ridicules as Bester termed it “fixity of a Western (or national) core as an illusion” and on the other hand contributes to the substantiation of another local that doesn’t consider national borders and extends upon what we might call global, but is constrained by and only existing through the various localities.

imagining community

I find it interesting to think of the nation-state as infrastructural in the sense that it has built up, as Gupta describes, over other underlying power dynamics of colonialism, or the nationhood of other nation-states. That is, a nation-state cannot exist except in relation to other nation-states, that share the meaning of the border and the many other actions and behaviors Gupta describes. It seems as though it may be the borders themselves are infrastructural, and I am curious to think about the ways that technology might reinforce those borders.
In Gupta's piece I had the feeling that I still did not know "How" the nation-state is imagined. The examples of television, print, history books, anthems, etc, made sense but did not fully illustrate the how. I am especially confused about how it becomes spatial. I understand that the nation-state exists as inscribed upon the land, and is in fact a re-territorialization, but this to me has little connection with how it gets formed. Does it get formed spatially? Or does it rather get formed through people and the networks connecting them, which then run counter to the spatial inscription, but the spatial one is infrastructural and strategic? I guess to me there is a distinction between how the nation-state imagines itself, strategically, and how the "feeling" of nationalism actually arises in the citizens. Are these the same?
As an undergrad I studied a group of immigrants in the Boston area, because I had read Appadurai and was interested in transnationalism. I went looking for it, but did not find transnationalism in this community. There was some kind of tactical negotiation of nationalities, but not necessarily transnationalism. Two things that I found interesting were, first, that the current policies towards different countires bound members of those nationalities together locally, for example those who could obtain legal status through asylum, versus those who could not, and those who were included in Clinton's immigration act which made it easier to get legal status, and those who did not. There was tension, as I perceived it, because the community was supposedly bound together by the commonality of being Latino, but there were various definitions of Guatemalan, Honduran, and Columbian based on the current policies. A person could feel strongly tied to the community, but resent the amount of time the community spent on activism that didn't apply to them. Second, that the community saw its relationship to the US not in terms of nationality (to be desired or obtained) but in terms of home and basic needs. That is why I felt there was no transnationalism, the members of the community I met saw themselves in terms of a single nationality, one that was physically remote in terms of the land but very strong in terms of local community, and their struggle was to obtain a relationship with the US government that provided basic needs: education, housing, and work. However in order to obtain these things a person must also represent themself through documentation that establishes a kind of US nationalism. Deeds to homes, cars, letters of character assessment from neighbors, good report cards for your kids, and of course paying your taxes, all regardless of the illegal status. These are the artifacts that make up the strategic version of the nation-state which the person gathers for tactical reasons alone. And the nation-state that the person "imagines" and feels attached to, seems to be founded on people not these artifacts and not the ground or soil.
In comparison to Gupta's statement that we ought to look at "other forms of imagining community, other means of endowing significance to space in the production of location and 'home'," I found that people were doing just that, producing and imagining "home" but keeping a distinct nationality intact.
On the other hand this community I studied demonstrated another forms of imagining community in terms of the "grassroots" community. So it may be a bit of a stretch, but there is that arborescent metaphor again.

February 27, 2007

I really enjoyed these 3 articles together, especially Malkki's investigation into the metaphor of "rootedness". One of my favorite parts was her quote from Anderson, "nationalism has to be understood by aligning it, not with self-consciously held political ideologies, but with the large cultural systems that preceded it, out of which... it came into being". Regardless of nationalism's good or bad rap (unity vs. hubris) I like to think that individual's national identities should not come from politics, but a collective feeling of what it means to be in the land together and a shared experience.

I also enjoyed the question in her consideration of the support for Indigenous Peoples, "Are people "rooted" in their native soil somehow more natural, their rights somehow more sacred, than those of other exploited and oppressed people?" I wonder how long it will be before we've completely lost the experience of being connected to the land at all. How long before nobody has cultivated their own vegetable garden, caught their own fish, etc? Why is it that we have to bring a food supply to near extincition before someone thinks "maybe we should just use what we need for sustenance"? With Bestor's analysis of the global sushi market it seems that capitalism wants to have its tuna and eat it, too.

I've tried to put some more thoughts down for about 30 minutes now and can't seem to put it together so I'll just say this: I think people should feel an affinity for the land that supports them and I feel like the majority of information and technology diminishes that feeling... and it bothers me.

Place and "Collective" Identity

Malkki contrasts the town Hutu refugees and the refugee camp Hutus and demonstrates how different identities are created depending on the contextual circumstances that each group encountered. But her conclusion that the notion of homeland is a “moral destination” (not so much a geographical location) for the refugee camp Hutus and “simply a place” for the town Hutus is not supported by any data. How does Malkki reach such a conclusion?!

She goes on to say: “ Many among them (town Hutus) were unsure about whether they would ever return to Burundi, even if the political changes were to permit it in the future…..They had created lives in the present…not in the past.” This does not seem like a very counter intuitive finding. The town Hutu refugees, unlike those people in the refugee camp, were diffused and did not have to constantly live in the transience of a refugee camp. They were not surrounded by others like them. They did not have to see pain and suffering at every moment. The town refugees had the opportunity to seek and find some kind of ‘place’, a kind of permanence, a kind of ‘home away from home’. The refugee camp Hutus could not. It is possible that the town refugees do not wish to return to Burundi, not because they consider their homeland to be “just a place”, but because of fear, trauma, loss, and instability associated with that place. The refugee camp Hutus feel that way too but they but they have no other home away from home. Identity is not created by individual experiences only, as Malkki points out toward the end of the paper, it is created by others and with others around you as well—your proximal socio-physical environments. Why does the rest of her analysis lack this insight?

February 26, 2007

The Local Through the Lens of the Global Imaginary.

Making electrical power at centralized generating stations on a large (at least city-wide) scale has become a global activity over the past several decades. Generally speaking, bulk generators of power design and build stationary power plants (this may change during the next seveal decades, BTW) which have an arborescent rootedness in the soil of the place, so to speak.

The rooted-ness that occurs confers an idigneous feel on the people who are associated directly with the operation and maintenance of a particular power station. This usually manifests itself within Corporate cultures as an us/them reinforced over years experience. Malkki rightly contrasts this with those who are nomadic, whose roots are in a profession, for example, that travels by its nature or simple wandering groups and individuals.

There is a clear set of people who roam through power stations across state and national boundaries, in my experience. They are craft/trades who peform extraordinary maintenance (speciality welders, large numbers of pipefitters and boilermakers, scaffolders and the like) as well as nomadic consultant groups who swoop in to effect a change in culture or perform some other transmformation of the asset/resource combination that forms the modern power plant. External regulators, especially those who reside at a plant, form a hybrid of these two groups.

As Malikki accurately observes, these inhabitants of the power plant diaspora keep histories and imaginations for the future intact; in fact their usefulness to the power plant asset and its people (now referred to as 'resources') inheres in this diaspora-ness, which appears in real time as an aggregate of rooted experiences. As you might expect, this receives a positive spin ("....we know all the best ways of doing business because we've seen all the ways to do things!") but brings with it both the good and bad of the various rooted experiences.

So, Malikki brings this into focus well; place and space appear to have roots, however transient, that inform the conciousness of each individual and carry on, whether 'at the scene' for the indigent or the transient. The frontier for research here may be a more complete understanding of how and why these relatonships form and produce rooted experiences that aggregate into global scale knowledge. A good read...

Best/Tom Herring

February 15, 2007

Software Infrastructure

http://www.icaboston.org/exhibitions/exhibit/supervision/
I meant to publish this after our last discussion. The above link is an exhibit I saw in Boston which for some reason really resonated with our discussion about infrastructure. There were some pieces in the exhbit that focused on blurring boundaries in a way that confused the eye which looks for a boundary between two colors, for example, or between foreground and background, and which the artists made difficult to decipher.
I also wanted to briefly mention an anecdote from a job I had in NY where our objective was to build "infrastructure" for biomedical scientists in the academic institutions in the area. We received capital funding for a communications program, which should have been a piece of software. The city saw our infrastructural project in terms of "capital" funding and not "expense" funding simply because it was infrastructure. But it turned out that software had never been funded before through capital funding. It was not excluded from the language of the funding documents, but it was against the grain and we meet a lot of resistence. In the end I left the company when they still had not been able to access the funds. While I was there I had to reframe the software project. One framing was of a multi-sited infrastructure, limiting us to house the software in local computers and databases and seek other funding for making the software "web-accessible," the second reframing based on the funding agency's suggestion, was of a central database in a physical location with periphery components. It was interesting the different permutations that the software had to go through metaphorically in order to fit an idea of infrastructure that existed in the language of the funding agency. In the end I don't think it worked out. Software may be infrastructural, but in terms of city-planning there are still many ways that out-dated and rigid language controls what software can count as.

Embedded Embodied

The McCollough article I found very difficult to read. Every sentence feels like an entire concept in itself, linked logically together but not carrying you along with the idea fluidly. I got stopped up on early pages with certain statements like "We have seen how embodiment shapes expectations." Have we? How does embodiment shape expectation? And "From architecture we have identified a latent need to map our emboidment onto the world. This pertains to the present discussion in that we feel a deep need to maintain technological constructs whose dimensions resemble those of the human body in architectural space." I think I understand the first sentence from our discussion last week, but the part of about resembling the human body in space I am not sure about. I think I like the idea, but what does it mean?
As for infrastructure in Star's paper as well as embeddedness, I don't quite conceive its invisibility, I think there is a difference between invisible and what we don't make conscious on a daily basis. Also, do these ideas of embeddedness and infrastructure differ from the idea of all those networks that make up the social? Somehow I am off balance from all these ideas that have discussed the environment as this heavy thing that I am within and part of in networked, embodied ways. I feel as though I am supposed to be jarred from my natural experience of places, when in fact I do have the ability to access and put my attention on all this embeddedness, infrastructure, and embodied sociality. It is not that I understand perfectly how it all works, the way a civil engineer would understand a part of it, or a software engineer would understand another part. But I can certainly think about how I am interconnected and dependent on so many people, machines, etc for the objects around me and my surroundings. It just seems like there is a hefty claim in all of our readings that certain people, designers, geographers, (especially people who create things in the world) ought to pay attention to a whole lot of stuff because it makes a whole lot of difference. Do the designers in the class feel an immense burden of responsibility in all of this? Why does it seem that architects are off the hook a bit, that we learn from them? Is this because of the lengthier history of their discipline (so they've covered more ground and are more responsible people already)?
I was thinking about locality and also all of these ideas of embeddedness and infrastructure, and it reminded me of the concept of commodity fetishism and the idea in some cultures that items that move out of their origins, move away from their locality, have tails that always point back to that origin and can get longer the further you move an object or person away from that origin. The tail can be harmful to the object as well, but can be severed by ritual if needed. (I don't remember where I read this.) One idea that came from this reading that I can't remember, was that we in Western culture have these tales as well, and they do us harm, but since we don't think about them, or have a way to think about them, we can't do anything about it.
Sorry for the late entry, don't know if this will make it into discussion at all.

February 14, 2007

Seams to me

When I was first asked to create and draw products for an industrial design class, my classmates and I began by drawing the products as ideal objects, without any expression for the mechanisms holding the product together. It took us a while to realize that our drawings needed to include lines for molding separations, holes for screws, etc. The same idea is expressed in the CYSMN project in their idea of seamfulness. I'm sure the idea was conceived in its pure form, without GPS/WiFi blackouts, physical boundary conditions, etc. As a result, designs don't turn out the way you first envisioned.

The CYSMN team proposes some interesting solutions to the glitches in the system, although there is definitely something to using the system as-is. Like the one participant noted, there is an adrenaline rush in the chase. If the system was adapted to reveal the GPS shadows, that would both add and remove features of the game. There's a balance between removing frustrations and leaving opportunities for exploration, invention, or innovation.

I enjoyed the reading from Hertzian Tales; I've been wanting to read that for a while.

Come again?

Among the many issues that came to my mind with these readings was the question that Silvia just mentioned: how systems that are not perfect can/should be dealt with in a different way (as opposed to just rectifying the bugs etc.). I think our(those associated with computer science) basis for terming a system imperfect is imperfect in itself. Although it might be reasonable to think of an imperfect system as one which does not perform as intended computationally/mathematically, the fact that it achieves a greater social(and more?) goal which could possibly have been its ultimate objective is undermined.
'Can You See Me Now?' talks of dealing with these systems differently; I wonder whether dealing with them is necessary at all. I'm not talking of entirely dysfunctional systems - I'm talking of the slight imprecision that results from the aspect of the situatedness of the system etc.
[Yes, Paul, the apostrophic investment in 'code' is beginning to make sense.]
On a slightly different note, the fact that we look forward to a system as more than a pillar to rest on also seems flawed. The essence of technology should be to help: to add to the existing world, not immediately form a backbone that if slightly bent can cripple our movement.(I'm not sure I put across exactly what I was thinking, sorry!)
A related issue is what Bruno mentioned but for me the issue is more of situatedness rather than embodiment. Working on a representational model of the world might not make the system achieve the intended purpose when situated in the actual physical world: I am beginning to believe this as I read more and more but why this is an issue(or if this is an issue at all as mentioned abov), is still not clear in my head. I'm probably thinking of two separate things which aren't immediately discernible to me.

The 'physicality of the virtual' that Paul's paper talks about is also an issue usually undermined. The fact that the virtual world is so 'out there', so present and increasingly so is one that has to be dealt with before we are so immersed we can't do anything about it. This seems to me THE time that any negotiation with this kind of virtual 'spaceness' is possible.

[?]

February 13, 2007

Some quick thoughts on uncertainty

Benford et al. came up in my Ubicomp class today - in terms of how a non-functioning or not-fully functioning systems can be used beneficially, such as for fun and entertainment, to incorporate certain game strategies or make people belief that such exist. When does a system need to function and when should we strive for accuracy, precision, coverage,.. and when not? Many location-aware systems and ubiquitous computing "ideas" are tested through game-like applications in physical settings, where people equipped with mobile devices run through an environment their glance focused on the little screen in their hands. Here not everything needs to function and things are allowed to be uncertain. How does that impact applications that exist outside of game-like and more playful applications? How can we (purposefully) use uncertainty of positioning systems as fun or frustrating elements to reveal underlying structures in "serious" applications?... can the playful, non-working, confusing and uncertain actually lead to revelation?

Seamful pervasive computing

Environmental designers are thinking of ways to design human environments that meet the changed needs of people with the increasing use of information and communication technologies and pervasive computing. They realize that the people no longer use the settings only for ‘traditional’ uses and that boundaries of places have been rearranged and they must design homes, work spaces, and public spaces for these changing uses and meanings. E.g. designing home-offices that provide visual and acoustic privacy to the teleworkers and family, cafes with symbolic or physical barriers so that cell phone and laptop users can work peacefully without disturbing and being disturbed others who are there to socialize, etc. At the same time, computer scientists are thinking of ‘seamful’ pervasive computing, so as to preserve these boundaries between settings and “allow the technology to make visible boundaries and seams visible.” I’d like to know what seamful pervasive computing is and what it involves. How would a seamful pervasive computing environment look and function?

Seaming

I have read the articles and I'm not really sure that I get it. I understand the seamful computing thing in the context of a game, but thinking about Tom's post, I don't necessarily know if seamfulness and convenience are copasetic things in everyday life. Does everyone always have to be aware of the seams? There are people who tend to things like plumbing, electricity, roadways etc.

One of the articles that struck me negatively was The Ethnography of Infrastructure. I felt that the author started off very overbearing with “study the unstudied”, the idea that “study” valorizes “previously neglected people and things” begs the question “to whom?” That science must intervene for social justice to occur is really stretching what science can do. Science does not mobilize communities, leaders do, and a study in a drawer may earn scientist tenure, but for the people he studies it really means nothing. Second, Star’s discussed a system that biologists were not using where the difficulty was in the infrastructure. The thing that struck me is that there is an analyst for that, there are people who specialize in infrastructure, how many servers, type of cabling, desk tops, etc – a functional analyst, as opposed to a business analyst, who would have helped them design the specs for their system, interface and the like. I look at the failure of use to be a failure of hiring and budgeting, clearly the computer scientist was not an analyst which is likely why the infrastructure was over looked.

I really liked the Hertzian Space article because it had a lot of pictures in it. Critical technological practice is important; I wish it was important to me.

Infrastructure by Design...

The Infrastructure/Experience paper has interesting comparisons with the spread of ubiquitous access and use of bulk electrical power. Different countries have taken different approaches to a ready and essentially transparent access to electrical power in homes, for example. Entire sections of the United States were condemned and taken by various governmental agencies in the preceding Century with the express purpose of providing such an experience in each and every home (a chicken in every pot, etc.).

The resulting infrastructure experience, at no small cost in human terms, has been largely achieved. The absence of this electrical power infrastructure is now commonly thought to be an element of disaster or major disorder of public life. The social experience changes substantially when this element of our infrastructure is interrupted. The 'Great Blackout' of 1968 in the Northeast region of the US produced a resulting 'baby boomlet' approximately nine months later, for example. No television, stuck elevators, traffic jams, etc., contributed to a halt of daily routine and resulted in more local social interaction, one might say. The essentially constant availability of electrical power enables a number of helpful and useful services in homes, which a quick inventory will show.

So, it would be worth considering what effect or experience we intend as a body politic when we determine to produce an essential change in our infrastructure and the experience we wish to achieve. Typically, the interruption of service and the extent of the service are key factors. Extended outages, not just unreliable service, is also worth considering. An electromagnetic pulse attack upon the US power infrastructure would result in an extended interruption of service, on the order of months. Effects ranging from inconvenience to social order disruption on intense and major scales may result, propelling calls for protection of the electrical grids in the US.

Love that infrastructure....

Good reading this week!

Best/Tom H.

February 12, 2007

body osmose

the questioning of infrastructure brings me back to the multiple definitions of embodiment, as one must be within the infrastructure to experience it, and who/what isn't. the quote from Bateson in Star's paper, "what can be studied is always a relationship or an infinite regress of relationships. Never a 'thing'.", makes me wonder about the layering and boundaries of THE infrastructure. at what point does the infinite regress of relationship loses part of its value. like we saw in the last discussion, embodiment is used under different pretexes that are afflicted at different level by infrastructures. when i think of embodiment as 'of the body', from Lankoff's point of view, the body becomes the infrastructure that is non-fixable. if i see embodiment as 'of a body within space / in place' (and here i do not mean only human body, does embodiment only refer to human body?) then anyone/anything can be embodied as long as it as the capability of sensing. if this infrastructure of embodiment leads our implementation of pervasive computing, then the embodiment of a body in place is require, not just of the body. McCullough's aspect of context, location and type, looks like it underestimate the extended reach of a place.

there's mention somewhere of a system that would use reading of the body to create a new kind of experience. i never had the change to try the work of Char Davis, but its worth mentioning.

http://www.immersence.com/

February 09, 2007

Negative Spaces

The concept of Negative Spaces (i'll contrast them with Neutral or 'Haven't Really Thought About It' Spaces) seems to be important. It both retains individuals within the Positive Space/Place and creates a bubble of untested space since one is relying upon the experience or words of others to proscribe this space (in the main).

Negative Spaces abound within power plants; there are all sorts of dangerous places where one does not go upon peril of life and limb during plant operation, for example. So, I've never been down next to spent nuclear fuel, which is stored in pools of water for years as it's activity levels decay 'off''. I've never had radiation doses (at the plant) that ever left me with even a hint of pain.

The local beaches have been another matter, of course, and in spite of copious amounts of sunscreen, I have received radiation burns (sunburns) from that great bare core, spherical, gravity confined, multi-cycle fission/fusion reactor in the sky, the Sun. Skin doses that would have me on report forms with our Federal government, etc. had I received them at the Plant (similar symptoms in terms of skin coloration and pain, etc., for example).

But the local Beaches are positive spaces; I frequent them with family and friends, as well as strangers. There are restrictions, to be sure, but they are of the 'Be safe, keep it clean and have fun' type. No demons, no sacred connotations, no radiation dosimetry need be issued and worn. People travel from far away places to receive these radiation doses, typically Ultraviolet A and B parts of the electromagnetic spectrum and mere parts of what the Sun delivers to space in general, but radiation none the less, including the few 'hard' radiations that make it past the Earths magnetic and molecular shielding.

Thus, the Negative Space has done its job; no ill effects here, at least. The Positive Space, well, another matter. So, as was observed severally during yesterday's class, those Negative Spaces matter and have some good uses.

Best/Tom H.

February 08, 2007

feminine body

I have a problem with the description of feminine body that is introduced in Cresswell's paper. The phrase lumps women as all having feminine bodies. If he means feminine in the closed, protective, private, limited mobility sense, then what of the women who are none of these. Gender is such a complicated issue that I think it's very ignorant and useless to conflate "women", "feminine body", "private", "sexualized body", "maternal body" especially to create a history where all women are all of these things. An interesting phrase about the Butler quote on page 188, "constructed categories are naturalized through repeated performance." I think that Cresswell constructs categories of women as a basis for this paper, and *for me* it makes his whole argument fall apart.

about Green's paper

I think the mobile plan is an important factor that affects how users embody themselves with their phones. I don't know how much a short message costs in UK(as in Green’s paper it should be rather cheap), but in the US I seldom see people send short messages, because the plans here are like unlimited time within the same network but 20 cents per message. When I was in China I typed short messages super fast with my right thumb and I never made phone calls unless there’s something emergent, because the plan most young people in china use is 300 short messages at $2.5/month, plus extra charges for phone calls. You can often hear people proudly talk about how many messages they send every month, which is worth the money. It took some time for me to have my “embodiment” type changed when I just came to the US. At the beginning I couldn’t help myself sending messages as “Hi”, “OK” and “CU” as I did in China for many years. In fact the only reason I use a cell phone here is that I think I should be able to call 911 or AAA when needed. As someone says in Green’s paper “Yeah, whenever I’m walking somewhere and I’m really scared I have like 999 [the UK emergency number] dialed already. I just have my finger on the button.”, when I work by myself at ACE at midnight, I always have my cell phone dialed 911 and I’m ready to push the button at anytime. But when it’s other time, I feel I’m wasting my monthly fee so what I often do is putting an earphone on my ear and chatting with my boyfriend who also uses an earphone, although we always just keep the phone connected but have nothing to say, waiting for the other one to hang up first.
I don’t know why the mobile plans in the US encourage people to make calls rather than sending short messages. You can send short messages almost anytime and anywhere, in addition you can have your privacy, unlike when you make a call everyone around hears it. In addition you save the mobile network for others who really need to make calls. But one drawback of short messages is that you can’t say something like “I didn’t answer you message because I was in class”.

two comments

OK, I don't really have anything that insightful to say, so I'm just gonna recombine things.

First, I really liked Michael Curry's descriptions of chorographic and topographic ways of knowing things. Yes, I know this is from last week, but it came out to me again in the Nancy Munn reading (and thinking backwards it seems an important component of the Basso reading too). In those particular ways of relating to the territory, choros and topos seem deeply intertwined, because the power of the place to inform you how to act is really tied up with narratives of what happened there and how you relate to those events. I take choros to be very much about action, and topos to be very much about narrative representation, and these examples show how very important one is for the other. We've talked a lot about the mapping instinct of ubicomp, and how technology has lent a lot of power to the geographic way of knowing things. So I wonder, we've also already talked about how computational technology is capable of both representation and action; if situated (rather than objective/omniscient) how can it interact with topographic and chorographic ways of knowing? Do we have any good examples of this?

Second, I've read the LeMarcis a couple times before and every time I reread it, it upsets me all over again, not least because big pharma has pulled the same sort of sketchy drug-trial bullshit in Thailand as well. The Cresswell article leaves me (to a lesser extent) irritated with The Man as well. Soooo... I think the body as object-subject is a really valuable contribution, not just for dealing with women's bodies, but sick bodies (in which the body becomes an uncooperative object even to the person inside of it?), minority bodies, etc. And the extent to which your body is going to be objectified depends a lot on the situation its in (hence women-only gyms). This was a really interesting thing to consider as I start diving into my pile of fieldnotes about Thai transnationals, because some of them are moving between a situation in which their bodies area going to be very marked as other (being SE Asian in the midwest is pret-ty "other") and one in which they will blend in perfectly.

was it johnson, lakoff, or turner...

anyway, this whole embodiment mixing with the social thing got me thinking about something that was brought up in a different seminar (sorry to those who have heard it just recently). forgive me for paraphrasing this idea, as i'll probably mangle it. also, i'm not necessarily agreeing with this idea that follows; it might provide an alternative view by NOT looking at the body as one area that is sort of intersected by and connected to the social, and vice versa. k, here it is:

one of those guys in my title (i think it was from 'the body in the mind' 1987) talked about social categories and social constructs as being rooted in the way our bodies are put together and used. one example was the concept of 'justice,' where justice can be thought of as a sense of balance between things. we get a sense of balance from our bodies, from the ability to balance ourselves as well as compare two objects in gross terms like 'the thing in my right hand is making me lean to the right, more than the thing in my left hand is making me lean to the left.' so built upon this very basic embodied sense of equality and balance are our ideas of fairness and justice. that is, the social construct is inextricably wedded to the fact that we tend to have two arms and two legs and walk upright etc etc etc. there isn't some social realm that exists beyond that which is constructed by us being us (you know, stuck in these odd meat-sacks).

using these terms, does it make sense to ask how the body is connected to a larger social network? i mean, is that like exploring how the expansion of one's lungs is connected to the larger act of breathing? or does it make more sense to ask how the social network is an extension of our embodiment?

is any of that even remotely clear?

yes, it's 5:15am. shutup.

February 07, 2007

yeah, embodiment.

I, like Marisa & Greg, find the term 'embodiment' difficult to fully understand. Creswell defines embodiment as referring "to the process whereby the individual body is connected into larger networks of meaning at a variety of scales" (Creswell 176). In another seminar, we just discussed Lakoff and Johnson's embodied mind. In this case embodiment serves as a structure: the mind in the body - the mind is dependent on the body for existence. In the former case embodiment is the means by which a characteristic is taken on, "Mobility is embodied in different ways by different bodies" (Cresswell 179). Maybe it's not that complicated and embodiment just refers to a function/concept or object that needs a body to exist. That leads me to wonder, is the primary purpose of being embodied the affordance of mobility? I'm frustrated because I'm not sure this means much, but I typed it, so I may as well not delete it.

Tramp Urania...

Words and meaning are fascinating as well as integral to ubiquitous computing. For years I have spoken with fellow nuclear engineering professionals of what is called tramp Uranium, as the occasion dictated. By this we mean the trace amounts of naturally occurring Urania that are found in most metals and ceramic products we all use every day. The desk chairs we sit in while at UCI, for example, contain tramp Urania. In our case, free neutrons are quite rare in our classroom, so, there is a very low probabiliity that our chairs willl have significant Urania fission events occurring whilst we sit in class.

In the other case, the Zirconium alloy metal used for nuclear fuel tubing contains about 1 part per million tramp Urania; it is exposed to an intense free neutron flux, causing fission events, which contributes to the surrounding cooling water's chemistry by delivering itself of fission products when it fissions near the outside (coolant side) surface of the Zirconium tubing during the first day or so of using new nuclear fuel assemblies to produce power. As the Urania near the surface of the fuel fission and transmutate to other non-fissile elements, the effect dies out and is not observable in the coolant until the next batch of new fuel is used to produce power.

Fascinating, because this idea of place is very much in play; we Nuclear types work very hard to make sure fission byproducts stay on the inside of fuel tubing, and here is this 'tramp' Urania messing up our plans by fissioning and putting those unwanted fission products, however few, into our pure coolant. The byproducts are purified out of the coolant easily enough and aren't a problem, but nettling to us nonetheless. Thus the name of Tramp crosses over into our space/place in nuclear water chemistry to desribe this vagrant (non working//non useful) and 'criminal' (no fission products in the water, please!) element which is otherwise valued and useful in UO2 form of our fuel.

Best/Tom H.

A context without space?

I think Green raises some very interesting questions/hypotheses that link well with Cresswell’s concepts of mobility and embodiment. According to Creswell, mobility is defined as “socialized movement”; embodiment is a process by which a body is connected to larger social and physical networks. Bodies are used to perform roles depending on the time and place, in other words the behavior setting.

Given Green’s findings that avid mobile phone users now organize their activities (i.e. roles/performances in Cresswell’s terminology) around flexible compartments of time rather than compartments of time associated with a geographical space, what effect does this have on the use, meaning, and importance of geographical space? Ecological psychology theory and research finds that people’s behaviors are shaped, influenced, and even determined by the particular behavior setting (home, school, office, playground). If as Green finds, mobile devices are personalized (attached to an individual’s body and temporal rhythms rather than locations), and in Cresswell’s words ‘embodied’, what effect does this have on the social roles individuals perform? For example, child rearing is associated with the home. How will this social role (for some individuals at least) change with mobility and embodiment of mobile devices? Will it? I think Green’s conclusions seem far fetched. Also, Green concludes that the control of and access to mobility as depending on the ‘context’ of situated social practice. How there be a context without a location? I think this part is either confused or confusing.

Space and Time: TB/HIV Patients in Botswana

The article “The Suffering Body of the City” encouraged me to consider a project I worked on in a very different way. A few years ago I worked on a project in Botswana with the CDC. I was part of a group that conducted a study to understand the extent to which changes in HIV testing practices have affected the rate that TB patients were also tested for HIV. This is important because at the time about 40% of the population of Botswana was HIV positive (it is probably higher now) and in these conditions the majority of people who have TB are also HIV positive. Thus, it is considered critical that those who have TB are also tested for HIV. Without knowing HIV status one cannot be started on HIV meds. The decision to test or not to test for HIV is left to the individual and is not mandated by the state. (One important thing to note is that the HIV and TB meds in Botswana are provided by the government.)

This is relevant to our course and the article for three main reasons related to space and/or time...

First, one of the primary changes made to HIV testing practice was in a sense “spatial.” The HIV testing had previously taken place in a trailer located in the back of clinics. When people entered this trailer they were counseled and tested for HIV. The problem was that they would have to go outside into open public spaces and then enter the trailer. If one was seen entering the trailer it became public knowledge that they were being tested for HIV and therefore may *be* HIV positive. (As Le Marcis describes in South Africa, there is a tremendous social stigma attached to HIV even with the incredibly high prevalence rates). A new policy was implemented to begin HIV testing in the exam room with the physician or nurse. Thus the patient would not go to the trailer and only the patient and doctor or nurse would have knowledge of the decision to test.

Second, the other significant change to HIV testing practice was to switch from a test that took 2 weeks for results to a rapid test that takes 15 minutes. The patient waits in the clinic for the results. This change in time has probably made a significant contribution to the increases in HIV testing. Patients do not have the physical and temporal distance to overcome.

The third issue is more complex and relates to Le Marcis statement “[f]or the suffering body, the rhythm and temporalities of the city are often characterized by waiting. There is no moment. Only knowing how to wait.” This idea may be true in South Africa and with those who are only HIV positive, but I think it is different in Botswana or maybe the difference is with TB patients. Gabarone, the capital is inhabited primarily with people who are not from there, but are from villages and move there to work. There is a tremendous amount of movement to and from the capital throughout the year. Our data collection took place primary in rural areas (some incredibly rural) at clinics that treat TB patients. The TB patients are on a special program where they pick up their medication from the clinics everyday, very early in the morning (generally before work). Adherence to TB medication is extremely important because if one stops taking the meds they can develop a drug resistant form of TB and spread it to others. The drugs for TB have very strong side effects and many people quit the drugs once their symptoms are gone. In order to ensure patients continued to take all their meds WHO developed a program called DOTS, in which the TB patient goes to the clinic every morning to pick up their drugs until the medication is complete, about 6 months (it is actually a complex, well thought out system that I have grossly oversimplified, but you get the idea). The patient carries a pink card and the hospital has a blue card where nurses record daily information about the drugs. This system is interesting because it requires patients to stay within a specific distance to a clinic and for the rhythm of their life to be dictated by the dispensing of medication. Some of the patients are nomadic and transient people and go from one place to another (like from rural areas to the capital). This creates problems with continuity of treatment. As long as the individual with TB keeps their pink card they have information about their treatment, but things get complicated when patients move around a lot or if they lose their card. The clinics are very important nodes of activity and information, but because they are not networked they function relatively independently. It is an interesting issue in terms of the transient nature of the population, the incredibly infectious nature of TB, and the challenge of keeping track of the information.

I could go on and on about experiences encountered there, but this is already way too long and I don't know how to break it into two parts on the blog as others have done.

February 06, 2007

a mobile body and a mobile device

I think the readings for this week confirm what Ken was talking about few weeks ago, that we cannot talk about one ‘mobility’, as there are indeed different kinds of ‘mobility’. The term itself cannot cause but disagreements and endless discussions, just because it is too broad and too vague (I’m also not an expert on the topic). It is interesting to read about different experiences and views of mobility, such as the one of the ‘suffering bodies’ in South Africa (the theme being approached in the context of Johannesburg, a place already full of negative connotations, made it somehow look even more dramatic).

I found Green’s paper a bit lacking, first of all because she talks about the changes that the ‘modern city’ brought to human’s perception of space and time, but somehow talks about the ‘modern city’ as it has not really changed since the industrial revolution till the introduction of mobile technologies (I really love Simmel’s work and think it’s still applicable, but his reference is a bit misleading as he writes at the beginning and not at the end of the 20th century!). Second, she uses expressions such as ‘mobile use’ or even ‘mobile devices’, which for people involved in technology design don’t really make a lot of sense, but they shouldn’t also from a sociological perspective. The use of different devices, especially computational, can lead to very different effects. What she really talks about are mobile phones and how they did – or not – change the perception of space and time within cities, so she could just refer in particular to the ‘use of mobile phones’, or she could just try to put more effort in clarifying her take on the very broad topic she’s approached. Finally, the concept of ‘mobile time’ just totally confuses me (sorry I’ve been a bit harsh!).

Embodiment?

Can we talk a bit about embodiment at an introductory level. I get confused with phrases like "how we deploy our embodiedness" (Cresswell citing Straub, p176). I understand that embodiment is used to represent the idea of the body as connected to the "larger networks of meaning" of the social. Sometimes it is used to show how we embody the social, how the social is a part of the body, but at other times how our body enters into the social. That is fine if it means both, but is there any time when embodiedness should just be body? I feel the same way about identity, which is used more intuitively, often without an attempt to define it. At least with embodiedness I have some definitions to work through, but with identity, I feel as thought I'm just supposed to get the meaning of it.
The way I take embodiment is to think of the body in a more inclusive way, as including the social. But sometimes the barriers between the body and the world seemed to be heightened by this deference to the word embodiment. The Cresswell paper actually helped me to understand embodiment better than I have previously, partly because it made me angry and enervated thinking about my own body as a female. Some of it resonated with me, even while I thought "I don't buy it." It made me want to jump up and down and follow my intentions through to every muscle to prove my body is not trapped!~
This idea of inclusion, is something that has come up repeatedly in this class for me and I don't know if is useful. If we both include more of the body in our idea of the social and more of the social in our idea of the body, and in earlier articles I felt we included more in our sense of place (historical and social networks), are we just trying to contemplate the interconnectedness of everything, or are we really saying something new? Will our discussion in this class lead us to a new idea of place?
Today in class we talked about tactics and the ability to pull the scale from our eyes about place- rather, that the authors may be taken as trying to remove the scales, but I keep questioning whether anyone is doing any such thing. We are able to see the scales (even if it requires an academic analysis to do it in exactly this way) because of the historicity of this moment- the scales are visible because they are already falling? I don't know.
Can we also talk about mobility and how it relates to an idea of boundedness/unboundedness? I'm not sure totally how it has to do with more or something different than a boundary on movement or lack of boundary... I think I get mobility but not always when it is used in the singular generic such as "experiences of mobility." Actually that is the same issue I have with identity and embodiment.

Super Vision

Super Vision is a multimedia theater performance with three distinct story lines. In one of those story lines, an international traveler is repeatedly confronted by a customs agent over the course of his years of travel – we see multiple vignettes of these encounters. The first we see is standard stuff – the agent asks, “who are you, where are you going, what are you doing there?” As the story continues, however, the customs agent has more and more information and therefore asks more and more questions. But over the course of this process of gathering and interpreting and modifying the information, more and more of the details become incorrect, then disconnected from original reality, and finally, the data is the sum of what the traveler is allowed to be, despite its lack of connection to the real person. The character at the end is defeated as his original self.

Super Vision is not merely about the well-worked idea that we’re over-survielled – that’s just its point of departure. The central notion is of a formation and identification of a “data body” – the “person” created through all this collected data. Perhaps this is our "data identity" and in this case it is obvious that the data identity is eventually only an approximation of what the character thinks of as his actual self, until he finally has to give in to the identity created for him by the state to be able to continue to do what he wants to do. Some outside force (whatever that can mean) has constructed his identity.

I think the interesting intersecting elements of this data identity are: the highly specific and extensive detail in some data (all the data you provide when you make an online purchase, for example), the completely obtuse data in other cases (the layers of meaning of and relationships between the data elements), and the things that are missing entirely from data stores (the personal perspective of the original person on which the data body is based on).

There is a fragmentation of our data bodies/data identities, partly because of the way they are situated in multiple ways, partly in the failures of transmission and partly in the arbitrary forms of recording, storing, and recalling. In Super Vision, we see this fragmentation weaving a tighter and tighter net around the character.

Unfortunately, some people are more personally susceptible to being overcome by the external creation of this data identity. It could be said that some people are more likely to become targets or victims of this kind of technological entanglement – someone who must interact with the data gatherers and interpreters, and by extension, the gatekeepers of government and industry, for instance.

Conversely, I think that the fragmentation (and confounding intersections) of the data it could end up protecting us by helping us resist data consolidation and centralization that forms each of our own data identity/data body.

Here’s an interesting excerpt from an article about Super Vision:

DATA BODIES AND THE AWESOME
APPARATUS OF TECHNOLOGY
Maurya Wickstrom
The production seems deliberately to
stage all the possible varieties of the
ways that the human body can be seen
to be appearing and disappearing in a
relationship with a hyperlinked global
datasphere. There are, in Super Vision,
so many levels of presence, absence,
visibility and invisibility, or, rather,
dissolution, dissolving, teasing appearances.
These add up to questions about
the ontology of what we are, now, as
fully participating members of the data
world. The title of the piece suggests to
us that we need a new way of seeing to
glimpse these networks of disappearance
and reappearance, and what is
animating or driving them.

(http://muse.jhu.edu/cgi-bin/access.cgi?uri=/journals/performing_arts_journal/v028/28.2wickstrom.html)


A review in the LA Times describes the production better than most reviews I seen:

http://www.calendarlive.com/music/cl-et-super8dec08,0,4392940.story?coll=cl-nav-music


Here are the production’s own sites:

http://presence.stanford.edu:3455/Collaboratory/339
http://www.superv.org/

last thing about legibility

I'm surprised no one has mentioned irvine in the discussion of legibility. It's a place that's "master planned" by the Irvine Company. Even the University is designed with a manipulation of legibility. Like professors never need to cross where the grad students live to get to where they need to get. From my apartment building (graduate housing) I can see Vista Del Campo. It's about a block away, but in order to get there I have to go down the street, cross over, and then back up. All this is intended to ghettoize the different *groups* of people. Also, once you are within University Hills or Palo Verde, there is a very legible navigation within the enclave, but you never get into that enclave unless you belong to the group.

thinking back to code...

just a quick note while im reading:

cresswell's use of embodiment made me think back to our short debate about the use of the word 'code,' and how each of us took its meaning differently. when i think of embodiment, i think of action/cognition situation in the body, or as a way to rail against mind/body duality, etc. crasswell's use of the term opens a deep chasm along a somewhat orthogonal dimension. i don't want to write too much about it, but i think it's yet another example of how well-entrenched terms are reused by many disciplines, and just reading papers from other areas helps reveal the perspectives of both the writer and reader (as in, i approach the word differently than cresswell does). and so, we've got to be open to re-seating ourselves in the language of the writer.

ok, my laundry is done.

February 04, 2007

Embody

I really liked the Cresswell article, "Embodiment, Power, and the Politics of Mobility: The Case of Female Tramps and Hobos." This article in particular made me take a second look at the idea of embodiment.
"Embodiment refers to the process whereby the individual body is connected into larger networks of meaning at a variety of scales. It refers to the production of social and cultural relations through and by the body at the same time as the body is being 'made up' by external forces (Grosz 1994; McDowell 1996b)" (Cresswell 176).
This quote helped me to really pull together all of the articles by contemplating "meaning is inscribed onto bodies" (Cresswell 188). Is interesting especially in the context of other readings I've come across. One of the interesting things to think about here is threat construction. How is a threat instantiated in public discourse? I recently read an article called "Crack Attack" by Reinarman and Levine looking at the Regan-Bush era (1980s) war on drugs interestingly enough, cocaine was a recreational drug that had been in active use since the mid-70s by white upper class citizens. Crack, a cooked down cheaper version cocaine (cocaine powder prices being $80-$100, crack being $5-$20) proliferated in poor urban neighborhoods. The media's inaccurate portrait of a dangerous, instantly addictive drug that was plaguing the nation when in fact usage rates were minute to begin with and falling sharply especially in contrast to alcohol and marijuana usage. The issue not only became agitprop allowing the Regan administration to blame the poor for their condition. For example that people are unemployed not because there are not enough jobs and factory jobs are moving abroad, but because "most" unemployed people are on crack. Included in the trappings of the scare was of course legislation that sentenced crack users more harshly than cocaine (read poor buying crack, affluent buying cocaine). One can see the historic precedent in the Tramp Scare.
The item form the Minneapolis Tribune about the 23 year old girl dressed in men's clothing was published in 1886, 21 years after the signing of the 13th amendment which ended chattel slavery in the United States. I can't help but consider the idea of the feminine being lived (Creswell 177), of course African American females were not granted that mind space and essentially locked out of civil society's discourse on what it means to be a woman. The implications are similar for Le Marcis' article, "The Suffering Body of the City" where ill citizens are not necessarily recognized and seem to live apart from those who are well. Achille Mbembe's "Aesthetics of Superfluity" gives a really good context to think about the city of Johannesburg itself. The idea that the city, "As in every settler colony, the past was to be found elsewhere, in the myth that Johannesburg was a European city in a European country in Africa" (Mbembe 376). Is it possible the city's treatment of the sick is transposed from a historic original? Although Le Marcis' article was interesting, I didn't find what it said about the mobility of the sick to really crystallize. He says they crisscross the city, but I would imagine many do that. As a city described as "racial", I imagine, would have certain vestiges of its past that mark it.

Seeing

I'm going to start with Valverde's "Seeing Like a City" because I am most skeptical about that article in particular. I feel that urban policing or management is part of a larger state project especially considering that most people live in cities and they are primarily getting bigger. I think the overall theme for these papers is the cartographic as control mechanism, rise of the map as a technology and how that is used to exploit. Themes of exploitation are overarching in Ferguson's "Seeing Like an Oil Company" and more subtle in Scott's "Seeing Like a State", which Ferguson counters in his article with regards to the use of the grid.
I really liked Ferguson's article. "Toward a Geography without Maps" brings into relief geography in contradistinction to topography and chorography to say that there are other ways of knowing what is in a place.
There was a conference last year organized by political science where three papers were offered for discussion. I feel that one by Allison Mountz, "Stateless by Geographical Design: Refugees, Irregular Migrants and the Shifting Geography of Enforcement" and "The Trapdoor Community" would be a more interesting complements to talk about the intersections of geography established by policing and legislation.

February 01, 2007

Scott and the experience of a city

While I enjoyed Scott’s piece and agree that it has brilliant elements, I found some of the passages about the ordered nature of cities to miss some important personal realities those of us who live in such cities experience.

Scott says, “[f]or an outsider – or a policeman – finding an address is comparatively simple matter; no local guides are required.” Given the rest of his thesis about state control it seems odd to say that both an agent of the state and “an outsider” could read a city in the same way. That doesn’t seem likely and I think that discrepancy is worth talking about further.

Another point he makes is that “[t]he knowledge of local citizens is not especially privileged vis-a-vis that of outsiders.” I have lived most of my life in a carefully gridded city (Denver, CO ). And it is because of that highly ordered and organized space that I have significant advantages over outsiders when traveling in the city (really the whole metroplex which covers over 500 square miles). Because the grid has been so easily readable, learnable, and memorable, I can quickly picture in my mind’s eye the multiple choices I have when determining which route to take to an intended destination. If I meet with an obstacle on one path I can easily figure out an alternative route. Because I have been over these routes many times, I know what times of day and under what conditions certain pathways will afford more or less efficient passage. I also have many more choices related to the aesthetics of the city – I can determine my route based on what types of things I want to (or don’t want to) see, hear, and smell. Outsiders are at a significant disadvantage in any of these ways.

In addition, even when I am an “outsider” to a part of the city in which I’ve never been, knowing the numbering and naming schemes of the city plan, I can picture the location of an address, then can imagine the most efficient route to get there. This is true even for the suburban areas that surround Denver proper, some of which have only followed the original grid to a minor degree. For longtime residents, it’s the planned differences created by certain outlying municipalities in the effort toward individualization that gave those regions other identifiable markers for wayfinding.

Of course not all longtime residents of a city like this can “read” it this effectively. I have chosen to know this much about how to get around specifically because it gives me a particular kind of power over the hegemony of city planning (not to mention a way to avoid the masses of people who do not know the city as well). These are clearly tactics, in de Certeau’s term, as tactics depend on time and "must constantly manipulate events in order to turn them into opportunities."

De Certeau said that “[i]n the technocratically constructed, written, and functionalized space in which the consumers move about, their trajectories form into unforeseeable sentences, partly unreadable paths across a space….the trajectories trace out the ruses of the other interests and desires that are neither determined nor captured by the systems". For me this describes what humans actually do in these highly ordered spaces. I believe individuals are able to overcome the imposed order partly because in actual human experience, any given city street, quadrant, intersection, or neighborhood is not interchangeable with any other of its same type. All elements of the city have morphology and are “made” through the human trajectories through them and read by their inhabitants in ways separate from uniformity of the urban plan.

on Scott and the political view

I also liked Scott’s paper (or better chapter) quite a lot. It made me realise in a quite clear way how the political view of a place highly relies on generalisations and simplifications, and how the ‘state’ attempts to pursue law and order by imposing structures and hoping people can accept and adapt to them. To base political acts on a ‘static’ view of a place implies the failure of taking into account the ‘progressive’ and dynamic aspect that characterises a place, aspect which had been highlighted by Massey in the previous readings.

By looking at the maps I also realised that Chicago had that incredible grid structure, and, linking the political to the sociological, that it was in one of the places planned by the state to achieve an utilitarian legibility where the first movement of urban sociology started, with the Chicago School, in the first half of the past century. A city to which was assigned a political hope of manageability and control became the driver for an academic statement which called for the need to study the growing urban pathologies and to analyse urban life in terms of processes and not static generalisations.